In spring of 2004, rap artist Nelly was scheduled to hold a bone marrow donor drive on the campus of historically Black Spelman College. Nelly’s appearance, however, was cancelled by his publicist when they learned that the all-female student body was planning to protest Nelly during the drive. The object of concern was Nelly’s recently released song “Tip Drill.” The song’s sexually explicit lyrics and the pornographic nature of the song’s music video was the source of the Spelman students’ – and eventually the Black community’s – outrage toward Nelly (Farrell, 2004; Hikes, 2004). Not only was Nelly the target of boycotts and anger, but so was Black Entertainment Television (BET). BET aired the video during its late night show “UnCut,” which exclusively shows sexually explicit music videos too explicit for day or primetime viewing.
The Black community’s anger and their ensuing protests against Nelly point to an issue that has long affected the Black community, particularly Black women. Negative cultural and media images of Blacks in general, but of Black women in particular have long plagued the Black community. Historically, negative and distorted images of Black women have been used to maintain systems of racial inequality and White domination and served to justify the low social, educational, and economic status that some Black women experience (Harris, 1999; Jewell, 1993).
In times past, White-owned media has been the primary distribution agent of these negative images of Black women. In light of the Spelman protest, however, it is apparent that now Black media – via BET – is also responsible for disseminating negative and stereotypical images of Black women. BET is the oldest and most popular 24 hour television network whose programming focuses on and is targeted toward Blacks. BET’s targeted age range is 18-25 and reaches approximately 71.9 million American households (www.viacom.com/prodbyunit1.tin?ixBusUnit=15000022). Launched in 1980, BET was Black-owned and operated until 2000 when owner and founder Robert Johnson sold the company to media conglomerate Viacom for approximately 3 billion dollars (www.bet.com/BETCorporate). Robert Johnson is still the Chief Executive Officer of the corporation and his Chief Operating Officer, Debra Lee, is still responsible for BET programming and promotion (www.bet.com/BETCorporate). While BET is no longer Black-owned, it is still Black operated.
The bedrock of BET’s programming has been the music video. At one time in its history, BET aired as much as 18 hours of music videos (Hunt, 1995). Now, on any given weekday one can expect to see only 16 hours of music videos. Historically, BET has been criticized by everyone from film producer Spike Lee to Black feminist and academic Beverly Guy-Sheftall for portraying stereotypical images of Black Americans such as the “hoochie mama” and the “playa” (Farrell, 2004; Gay, 2000).
The aforementioned information has led me to pose the following questions: What types of images of Black women does BET portray? What role, if any, does the fact that BET is Black-operated make in the generation and dissemination of images of Black women? Negative media images of Black women have always served to maintain and justify Black racial inequality. The issue, however, becomes even more pressing if Black media propagates negative images of their own people. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to go within the programming of BET and examine the images of Black women that the network portrays.
LITERATURE REVIEW
In contemporary U.S. society, mass media is a primary ways that information is disseminated. In particular, television plays an important role in giving us information on and helping us to draw conclusions about cultures and people who are different from ourselves (Ford, 1997). Media images inform our understanding about society and the roles that people play in society (Davis and Gandy, 1999; Jewell, 1993). Television images of Black women, therefore, can influence how Black women are understood and subsequently treated in society. On a larger level, the mass media is used by the dominating class to expand and transmit belief systems that maintain inequality (Jewell, 1993).
Images of Black Women
There are three primary images of Black womanhood that have historically been consistently displayed. These images are: Mammy/Aunt Jemima/Caldonia/Aunt Chloe, Sapphire, and Jezebel/Peaches (Collins, 2000; Jewell, 1993; Foster, 1973). Mammy, also known as Caldonia or Aunt Chloe, is the older, heavier, and asexual Black woman who performs domestic duties. This image developed during slavery, and it portrayed the older Black woman as being loving and submissive to the master and his family. She was always smiling and happy to serve. On the other hand, she was horribly aggressive and abusive to her own family. Portraying this “happy” image of the Black woman served to hush those who criticized slavery for its brutality. It should be noted here that the image of Aunt Jemima is identical to that of Mammy with the primary difference lying in the fact that Aunt Jemima’s sole domestic duty was cooking (Jewell, 1993).
The next dominate image of Black women is Sapphire. Sapphire is the independent, headstrong, fiercely temperamental, and quick witted Black woman who consistently belittles Black men. Her character’s main goal is to “set straight” Black men who lack integrity and morals by the use of verbal put-downs (Jewell, 1993). Sapphire is characterized as being extremely loud and couples this loudness with the use of her hands (i.e. hands on the hips, finger-snapping, and finger pointing). Sapphire is usually a dark skinned, adult Black woman with a medium to robust build (Jewell, 1993).
The final predominate image of Black women is Jezebel or Peaches. Jezebel is the image of the youthful, twenty-something Black woman. She is usually portrayed as a light skinned Black woman with European features such as long, straight hair, thin lips, thin nose, and a relatively slim body (Jewell, 1993). She is the Black embodiment of the standard of beauty set by White womanhood, only her image is hypersexual and less innocent than images of White women. Like Mammy, the Jezebel image of Black womanhood developed during slavery. While Mammy was asexual, Jezebel was hypersexual and this image served to justify the sexual relationships that masters had with Black female slaves. Because of Jezebel’s incessant need for sex, she was portrayed as the seducer and the master as the unwilling victim of sexual contact (Jewell, 1993). With White men, therefore, Jezebel is viewed as the aggressor. This image, however, changes when she is shown with Black men. With Black men, Jezebel is a supporting and subordinate character who is sexually available to and dominated by Black men (Jewell, 1993).
Historically, media images of Black women have served to maintain systems of racial inequality and White domination. Throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries these negative images were transmitted primarily by White-owned sources of media. When Black-owned and operated BET was launched in 1980 many thought that it would bring about broad, yet accurate representations of Black Americans. There are disparate opinions as to whether or not BET has fulfilled this expectation of transmitting representative and accurate images of Black women. BET’s launching of the sexually explicit show “UnCut” and its continual airing of Nelly’s “Tip Drill” video have caused Black Americans, particularly Black women, to begin to scrutinize BET’s programming even closer. “UnCut,” as well as other BET music video shows, have been accused of hypersexualizing and objectifying Black women, and they have caused the all-Black network to come under harsh criticism from the Black community.
METHODS
The purpose of this study is to examine the programming of BET to see what images of Black women prevail. The data was collected through content analysis and was used to develop a grounded theory about the types of images of Black women that BET portrays. I use qualitative methods and grounded theory so that the images that BET portrays can be thoroughly described, examined, and then compared to each other in-depth.
BET is a cable television network that has 24 hours of programming. For the purpose of this study, these 24 hours of programming were broken up into five categories (using Central Standard Time): Mornings (5am – 11:59am), afternoons (12pm – 5:59pm), evenings (6pm – 11:59pm), nights (12am – 4:59am), and exceptions. The exceptions include Monday - Friday from 7:00pm – 8:59pm, 10:30pm – 10:59pm, Mondays and Tuesdays from 2am – 2:59 am, and weekend programming. During the exceptional time blocks, BET usually airs syndicated versions of cancelled Black sitcoms, television versions of feature films, comedy specials, awards shows (such as the BET Awards and the BET Comedy Awards), music specials, and/or the BET original adult cartoon series “Hey Monie”(www.bet.com/BETShows/).
On Wednesday through Friday from the hours of 4am – 7:59am, Christian programs are aired. On Monday and Tuesday, Christian programming begins at 3am. From 8am – 6:29pm various types of music video shows are aired. These include, but are not limited to, shows such as the “Student Center”, whose target audience is high school and college students; “Rap City: The Bassment,” a show that exclusively airs rap videos; and “106th and Park,” a by-request video countdown show very similar to MTV’s “Total Request Live” (TRL). At 9pm, “Comic View”, a stand-up show featuring Black comedians airs. At 10pm, BET News airs. Finally, between 11pm – 3:59am, “Comic View” is re-aired, and then there is another long stint of music videos shows, which includes “UnCut;” “Midnight Love,” which exclusively airs romantic and slow tempo R&B videos; and re-runs of the video shows that were aired earlier on that day (i.e. between 8am – 6:29pm).
Sample
BET’s weekday programming is static, with the only variations being the aforementioned exceptions. The programming is so static that one can even expect to see the same videos played daily on BET and repeatedly throughout the course of the day. Due to the static nature of BET’s programming, the four major time blocks were recorded on weekdays at my convenience. The weekend programming was also recorded at my convenience according to the four major time blocks. The exceptional programming was also recorded at my convenience according to the time slots required by the exception. It should be noted that since the data has been recorded at my convenience, not all data was recorded during the same day or week. The static nature of BET’s programming, however, minimizes the potentially non-representative nature of this problem.
Materials
In order to be true to the grounded theory method, all data was collected by video recording the various aforementioned time frames on twelve 8-hour VHS cassette tapes. Video recording allowed for closer scrutiny of the images of Black women. Video recording also provided the flexibility to rewind and pause material so that detailed descriptions of the images of Black women could be obtained. Videotapes were coded and cataloged according to specific time frame (i.e. mornings, afternoon, evening, or night) and exception, if applicable. For example, the first tape to be recorded was coded as “Monday Morning 5am – 11:59am.” Tape containing data from exceptional time frames was also coded using the day of the week and length of the exceptional time frame. For example, the tape for the Tuesday exceptions was coded as “Tuesday 7pm - 8:59pm” or “Tuesday 2am – 2:59am.”
Data
For this study, there were two major coding categories – “programming” and “Black women.” The programming category was used to distinguish the various types of BET programming. Each program was coded for time of day and type of show. The term “time of day” refers to the five aforementioned time blocks including all exceptions (i.e. morning, afternoon, evening, night, weekends, etc.). The term “type of show” was used to differentiate one type of program from another. Programs were coded as “music video show,” “news,” “comedy,” “Christian,” “charity,” “cartoon,” “sitcom,” “music special,” “talk show,” “feature film,” and “drama.”
Programming
“Music video show” was used to describe any program where the primary content of the show is exclusively music videos. This included programs such as “BET: Start,” “BET: NOW,” “UnCut,” “Rap City,” “106th and Park,” etc. This category did not include shows such as “Maad Sports” or “Access Granted,” which use music videos as part of the show, but the content of the show is geared toward some other topic. “News” was used to describe any show where the journalistic reporting of news was the primary content. “Comedy” was used to describe any show where comedians performed on a stage with a microphone in front of a live audience. This does not include sitcoms or feature films that may have a comedian as the leading character.
“Christian” was used to describe any show whose primary content was focused on the formal presentation and preaching of Christian beliefs. This category included shows such as “Taking Authority with Bishop Eddie L. Long” or “The Potter’s House with Bishop T.D. Jakes.” This category does not include shows which actively solicit support for Christian charities such as the “Christian Children’s Fund.” The “charity” category, however, did include programs such as the “Christian Children’s Fund” and “Feed the Children.” The “cartoon” category included the adult cartoon series “Hey Monie.” The “sitcom” category included situation comedy shows such as “The Parkers” and “Girlfriends.”
The “music special” category included shows such as “Jazz at the Lincoln Center” and “Access Granted.” “Jazz at the Lincoln Center” focused on jazz musicians and highlighted their live performances. “Access Granted” focused on the making of R&B, rap, and hip-hop videos from a “behind-the-scenes” perspective. The “talk show” category included the show “L-Bow Room,” which was hosted by a well-known Black actor. The show featured other well-known Black personalities/celebrities that came on the show to debate current events and social issues. The “feature film” category included feature films that were released in theaters and then edited for television viewing. Finally, the “drama” category included the television series “Soul Food,” which was a made for television version of the feature film “Soul Food.”
Black Women
“Women” is the other major coding category. The term “women” was used to describe Black women who play prominent roles in the show, scene, or video. A prominent role includes hosting a show; preaching a sermon; being the primary subject of an entire show or segment of a show; being the leading character or dancer (or one of the leading characters or dancers) in a video, movie or sitcom, etc. Women who are not Black or not playing prominent roles in the show/videos content are not recorded. For videos, the woman (women) who were shown clearly and most often were defined as the prominent woman. If the woman (women) were making cameo appearances or were background dancers, they were not coded.
The coding for this category was used to describe Black women based on the following variables: physical characteristics, perceived age, actions/interactions, level of participation, and locations of the Black women. Based on the grounded theory method, this coding category required the use of open coding to describe Black women. I described the physical characteristics of the woman including skin color, hair (color, texture, and length), and body size (e.g. slim, robust, obese). The woman’s perceived age was also recorded by describing the woman as child, teen, young (meaning in her twenties and early thirties), middle (late thirties, forties, and fifties), and older (sixties and above).
The actions/interactions that the women performed were also recorded. When looking at any given image of a Black woman, I asked, “what is she doing?” Answers included dancing, reporting the news, telling a joke, etc. After actions, I described the woman’s interactions. How was she interacting with her environment, namely the people around her? If she was dancing, is she dancing alone, with a man, or in a group of other women? If she was talking, what tone of voice is she using? Was she aggressive or passive with those in her environment? How was she reacting to the men in her environment if there are any depicted?
The level of participation variable was used to describe the extent to which the Black woman was the subject/protagonist of the scene, segment, show, or video that she was in. Women were, therefore, described as “host/co-host of show,” “leading character in show,” “lead singer in her own video,” “and prominent dancer in a male led video,” etc. Finally, I described the location that the Black woman appeared in. Was she in a news studio? On a beach? In a bedroom? In a swimming pool? etc.
RESULTS
Based on the observations of the above variables, I then categorized the images of Black women on a number of different levels through the process of axial coding. The women were grouped by all of the aforementioned variables. These categories were then compared and contrasted based on their properties and dimensions. After comparing the categories and completing axial coding, the data dictated that these were the emergent categories: type of show (mode = “music video show”), skin color (mode = medium to light skin), age (mode = young), body size (mode = slim/medium sized), and level of participation (mode = woman in a male-led video).
The modes of each one of these categories helped to facilitate the selective coding process. The central category for the images of Black women on BET is young, slim, lighter complected women who play supporting, subordinate, and/or sexual roles in male-led music videos. This archetype of the BET Black woman reflects the historical image of the “Jezebel.”
DISCUSSION: AN EXPLANATION OF THE GROUNDED THEORY
What factors affect the re-creation of this image of Jezebel? What purpose does having such an image serve? In this section, I propose three explanations of the dominant image of Black women on BET: 1) Euro-American cultural orientations; 2) belief amplification of Euro-American cultural hegemony via popular culture; and 3) the reinforcement of systems of domination and inequality.
Euro-American Cultural Orientations
The first explanation of the image of Black women on BET is that the image is a Black popular culture manifestation of internalized Euro-American heterosexual principles. Bell, Bouie, and Baldwin (1990) examined the effects of Afrocentric cultural consciousness (or the strength of an individual’s identification with Black culture and history) on African American’s views of heterosexual relationships. They identified three principles of Euro-American heterosexual relationships that contribute to the re-creation of the image of Jezebel on BET. These three principles are: control and domination, an emphasis on material wealth, and physical gratification.
Control, Domination, and the Privileging of Maleness
The male is denoted as the bread winner, thereby causing his role to be superior to the female’s role of wife, mother, and homemaker. The privileging of the male role leads to male domination of females. This privileging of maleness and its ensuing domination of females explains the level of participation that Black women experience on BET. As stated above, the “level of participation” variable was used to describe the extent to which the Black woman was the subject/protagonist of the scene, segment, show, or video that she was in. The privileging of maleness explains why Black women are overwhelmingly the object of male lust on BET (i.e. in music videos) rather than the subject or protagonist.
Material Wealth and Physical Gratification
The other two principles of Euro-American heterosexual relationships, the emphasis on material wealth and physical gratification, are interconnected. The principle of accumulating material wealth is directly linked to an overemphasis of the following things in heterosexual relationships: 1) individual physical characteristics; 2) overall physical appearance; and 3) sexual gratification (Bell, Bouie, & Baldwin, 1990). The interconnection of the principles of emphasized material wealth and physical gratification shed light on why the image of Black women on BET is an image that is heavily dependent on visual beauty and sexual themes.
Physical Characteristics: Skin Color, Age, and Size
The central category for the images of Black women on BET is young, slim, lighter complected women who play supporting, subordinate, and/or sexual roles in male-led music videos. Previously, I explained that the privileging of maleness and its ensuing domination of females explains why the “level of participation” of participation variable emerged as an important category. This privileging of maleness explains why Black women are overwhelmingly the object of male lust on BET rather than the subject or protagonist. In this section, I explain why skin color, age, and size also emerged as important variables in this study.
Skin Color
Whiteness is constructed as the symbol of ultimate femininity while Black womanhood has been equated with masculinity (Hill, 2002). Hill established that Black men find fair-skinned/lighter complected women to be the most sexually desirable. Hill also found that both Black men and White men idolize White womanhood as the ultimate symbol of femininity and sexual desirability. Hill’s findings highlight two things about my present study: 1) The idolization of White womanhood explains why the image of Black women on BET are so light-skinned and 2) The fact that both White and Black men idolize White womanhood as the ultimate symbol of feminine beauty helps me to understand why a Black-operated and Black-targeted network would disseminate such a non-representative image of Black women. Hill’s findings suggest that BET’s image creators, regardless of race, will deem White womanhood as the ultimate symbol of beauty and sexual desirability. Light skinned Black women are the closest thing to White womanhood without actually being White.
Age
Perlini, Bertolissi, and Lind (1999) studied the effects of women’s age and physical appearance on White Canadian men and women’s ratings of attractiveness and social desirability. The findings of their study dictated that, among White Canadians, there is a negative correlation between age and attractiveness when evaluating women. Perlini, Bertolissi, and Lind’s results also showed that men found the combination of youth and physical unattractiveness to be a socially undesirable trait. Perlini, Bertolissi, and Lind’s findings explain why the image of Black women on BET is a youthful image. Their study indicates that both White men and women indicated that they thought physical attractiveness decreases with age. Since physical attractiveness is negatively correlated with age and the combination of youthfulness and unattractiveness is unacceptable, the image of Black women is not only one that is visually beautiful but also young.
Weight
Jackson and McGill (1996) conducted a study that examined African American and Anglo American body type preferences. Their study reported that Black men preferred larger body types and had more favorable attitudes toward obesity than Whites, though both groups still found obesity to be unattractive. Black men preferred larger Black women with wider hips and round buttocks as opposed to the Anglo preference of smaller, thinner women. The Black male’s preference helps explain the size of the BET Black woman. She is definitely not obese. She is a very shapely and relatively thin woman, though not as thin as the Euro-American ideal.
African American Manifestations of Euro-American Cultural Ideals
What do Euro-American cultural ideals have to do with the image of Black women on a Black network? Why is it important to understand the individual characteristics of the image of the BET Black woman within the context of Euro-American cultural orientations? Euro-American cultural ideals have manifested within Black popular culture as a result of the long existence of Blacks within Euro-American culture (Bell, Bouie, & Baldwin, 1996). Blacks have, to a certain extent, internalized and have become psychologically dependent upon these Euro-American ideals. The internalization of Euro-American cultural ideals, however, has not completely eradicated Black preferences. This is evident in the Black male’s preference for larger Black women. Overall, the image of Black women on BET, however, is the African American manifestation of internalized Euro-American norms of heterosexual relations. This argument is supported by Hill (2002) who maintains that socially outcast groups adopt the ideologies of the dominant culture because they perceive these ideologies to be normal. One explanation, then, of the image of Black women on BET is that the image is a Black popular culture manifestation of internalized Euro-American heterosexual principles.
Belief Amplification of Euro-American Cultural Hegemony
The White power elite have used the corporate takeover of hip-hop/rap and the creation of the music video to reinvigorate some of the stereotypical beliefs about African Americans that the Black Freedom Movement worked to overcome. A hallmark of the Black Freedom Movement of 1960s was the concerted attempt on the part of many African Americans to reject Euro-American cultural ideals and images, particularly Euro-American images of beauty (Carson, 2001). The massive effort on the part of African Americans to transcend cultural hegemony is known in social movement theory as frame amplification. Frame amplification is the process of clarifying and (re)invigorating interpretive frames of reference in order to garner support for a social movement (Snow, Rochford, Worden, & Benford, 1986). Of particular relevance here is the use of a certain type of frame amplification known as belief amplification. Belief amplification refers to the clarification and (re)invigoration of certain beliefs that are necessary prerequisites for social action (Snow, et.al, 1986). Within the Black Freedom Movement, “Black is beautiful” is a belief that was constantly reinvigorated in order to combat the historically negative effects of Euro-American cultural hegemony.
The goal of the amplification was to assert the legitimacy of Black lives and Black cultural standards inside and outside of the Black community. Mass media assisted in the assertion of Black legitimacy by its widespread coverage of such Civil Rights-related activities and issues as the Dr. Martin Luther King marches, the murders of Emmett Till, James Cheney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner, and the Black power salute that was given by 1968 Olympic medalists Tommie Smith and John Carlos. Based on the amplification of “Black is beautiful” and the media coverage of the atrocities of and victories over racism, the 1960s and early 1970s was characterized by nationwide pro-Black sentiment. Pro-Black sentiment was so strong that it helped to push the U.S. government to pass the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965) into law.
In order to combat the nationwide sympathy that the Black community had garnered and the Black community’s attack on Euro-American cultural hegemony, the White power elite advanced their own agenda of belief amplification. Snow et.al (1986) listed the five beliefs that are most commonly amplified, one of which is the stereotypical belief in characteristics about an opposing group. One of the most powerful ways that stereotypical beliefs and cultural hegemony are transmitted is through media and popular culture (Collins, 2004). Specifically, hip-hop/rap and music videos are the dominant form through which stereotypical information about African Americans is obtained (Hikes, 2004).
When the history of popular culture is closely examined, it is evident that three things worked together to reinvigorate stereotypical beliefs about African Americans: 1) The final silencing of the Black Freedom Movement occurred in the late 1970s with the covert governmental destruction of the Black Panther Party (Churchill, 1990). This silencing virtually ended the pro-Black sentiment that had swept across the country for the preceding 10 years; 2) Immediately following this silencing was the popular culture success of the Sugar Hill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight.” The success of the Sugar Hill Gang represented the potential longevity of the mainstream appeal of hip-hop/rap and it marked the beginning of hip-hop/rap’s corporate takeover and manipulation; 3) This same time period (the late 1970s and early 1980s) also saw the creation of the music video via the launching of Music Television (MTV).
The corporate takeover of hip-hop/rap music and the creation of the music video worked together to produce music and images that depicted negative and non-representative images of African American life in general, and Black women in particular (Cole & Guy-Sheftall, 2003). The propagation of negative images of Black women was designed by the White power elite to reinvigorate the stereotypical image of Jezebel. The Jezebel image creates the belief that Black women are sexually irresponsible and, therefore, the creators of their own misfortune (Collins, 2000; Jewell, 1993).
Macro-sociological Context: Reinforcement of Systems of Domination and Inequality
The purpose of this study is to examine the programming of BET and to develop a grounded theory about the types of images of Black women that BET portrays. The final step of the grounded theory building process is to locate the theory within a macro-sociological context. As stated by Strauss and Corbin (1998), it is important to understand that the object of study (i.e. media images of Black women) does not exist independently of the larger conditions that exist in society. Since a theory about why certain images of Black women are transmitted by BET has been built, that theory must be looked at within many different contexts. Concepts such as race, gender, socioeconomic status, and institutional racism must be the lenses through which the theory of the BET Black woman is viewed.
Mass Media and the Maintenance of Social Inequality
The reinvigorated image of Jezebel serves to maintain systems of social inequality that many Black women experience. A group’s entitlement to society’s resources is defined based on cultural images (Jewell, 1993). The Jezebel image sends the message that Black women do not possess the values or virtues that are necessary to gain access to the societal resources that have been closed to them (Jewell, 1993). Since, based on the Jezebel image, Black women do not possess these values and virtues; they are seen as deserving of whatever lack they experience. Cultural images are also used to argue that Black women’s problems are due to individual and cultural (i.e. Black) deficiencies instead of societal barriers. Those on the periphery of society and who are unable to participate in society’s institutions are often blamed for their own problems. Some Black women experience low economic, educational, and social statuses. As a result of experiencing these low statuses, Black women are in need of social policies that will serve to equitably redistribute societal resources (Jewell, 1993).
Those who currently benefit from the inequitable distribution of societal resources encourage the propagation of the Jezebel image, and other stereotypical images of Black women, so as to protect their power and control over society’s resources (Jewell, 1993). Those who benefit from the inequitable distribution of resources maintain this unjust social order through the dissemination of ideological hegemony, which is embedded in cultural/media images (Jewell, 1993). The same groups that control societal resources also control the production of cultural images. Additionally, the role of the mass media is to disseminate the ideology of the ruling class (Jewell, 1993). The media image of Jezebel, therefore, is reinvigorated to keep Black women from fully participating in societal institutions that could benefit them. The reinvigorated image of Jezebel also serves to maintain the inequitable distribution of societal resources.
CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH
Historically, negative and distorted images of Black women have been used to maintain systems of racial inequality and White domination and served to justify the low social, educational, and economic status that some Black women experience. In times past White-owned media has been the primary distribution agent of these negative images of Black women. It is apparent, however, that Black media – via BET - is also responsible for disseminating negative and stereotypical images of Black women.
The purpose of this study was to examine the programming of BET to see what images of Black women prevailed. Based on the grounded theory method, the central category for the images of Black women on BET was young, slim, lighter complected women who play supporting, subordinate, and/or sexual roles in male-led music videos. This archetype of the BET Black woman reflects a re-creation of the historical image of “Jezebel.” Three theoretical explanations about the BET Black woman were advanced: 1) African American manifestations of Euro-American cultural orientations; 2) belief amplification of Euro-American cultural hegemony via popular culture; and 3) the reinforcement of systems of domination and inequality through the mass media.
Future research in this area can take many forms. First, a similar study can be conducted on network television programming to see how that emergent image compares to the image of the BET Black woman/the reinvigorated Jezebel. Other cable networks such as UPN, which features numerous African American sitcoms, can be compared to BET. This type of study can also be replicated using the programming of TV One, the newest Black operated and Black targeted cable network. TV One, launched in early 2004, is targeted to an older audience than BET. It would be interesting to compare the BET Black woman to the TV One or UPN Black woman. Also African American shows and/or actresses that appear on mainstream networks such as CBS, NBC, ABC, and FOX can also be studied and compared to the BET Black woman. All of these networks have very different types of programming and target audiences. It would, therefore, be interesting to see if the Jezebel image is re-created elsewhere.
Last edited by zsana on Tue 25 Jul 2006 14:52; edited 1 time in total
i only read about 3/4 of the article because it was hella long but i got the point. i never have been a big BET fan. i do remember when it began, i was still in grade school, and it seems like they showed alot of old movies... that was pre-music video. also alot of markets didn't even get BET. for some reason in this little town we did but my bf told me in chicago they didn't.
the mid 80s was the closest i came to being a fan because i was a teenager (which is what their programming is marketed to still to this day) and also because music videos were just getting hot at that point. i used to watch video soul w/ donnie simpson on the regular to catch the latest new edition (or whatever artist was hot) video.
now i never watch it unless my bf has a show he specifically wants to watch, which in and of itself is very rare (he isn't a fan either). the good thing is my kids aren't all into videos so they don't watch alot of MTV and rarely if ever watch BET.
viacom is owned by rich white guys and i doubt if they care how the modern day negro is portrayed as long as they make a fat profit off of it. the people who really need to be dogged are the black folks who are behind programming and such on that network. they should have some reason to care but it doesn't seem like they do.
the good thing is my kids aren't all into videos so they don't watch alot of MTV and rarely if ever watch BET.
Good thing indeed. I know you're happy about that.
Quote:
The people who really need to be dogged are the black folks who are behind programming and such on that network. they should have some reason to care but it doesn't seem like they do.
I agree.
A Canadian view of Black Entertainment Television...
Not Black Like Me
By Vernon Clement Jones, The Globe and Mail, 19 February 2001
Black Entertainment Television came to Canada vowing to showcase black culture. But disillusioned viewers say what it delivered was mainly nasty stereotypes and explicit videos. Where, they wonder, is the Canadian content?
A Canadian view of Black Entertainment Television...
Not Black Like Me
By Vernon Clement Jones, The Globe and Mail, 19 February 2001
Black Entertainment Television came to Canada vowing to showcase black culture. But disillusioned viewers say what it delivered was mainly nasty stereotypes and explicit videos. Where, they wonder, is the Canadian content?
Bannister's not alone. Many of the country's blacks ask why a channel for which they lobbied the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission—and which is now seen in 2.4 million Canadian homes—has brought little but wildly explicit music videos, dumbed-down programming and the revival of nasty stereotypes?
the good thing is my kids aren't all into videos so they don't watch alot of MTV and rarely if ever watch BET.
Good thing indeed. I know you're happy about that.
Quote:
The people who really need to be dogged are the black folks who are behind programming and such on that network. they should have some reason to care but it doesn't seem like they do.
I agree.
A Canadian view of Black Entertainment Television...
Not Black Like Me
By Vernon Clement Jones, The Globe and Mail, 19 February 2001
Black Entertainment Television came to Canada vowing to showcase black culture. But disillusioned viewers say what it delivered was mainly nasty stereotypes and explicit videos. Where, they wonder, is the Canadian content?
I wonder how much money BET makes for Viacom? It disgusts me. My daughter will never watch one minute of that vomit-inducing channel in my house. Meanwhile, the quality programming on TV1 isn't available in many places.
I hope Canadians get rid of it, or force Viacom to let a Canadian division control the programming. Ha, maybe then we could get the Canadian version here in the States.
i only read about 3/4 of the article because it was hella long.
e harmoni wrote
Quote:
LMAO!!!
That post was so long, I think by tape measure, it would be bigger than Mike Tyson's arms.
LOL I'm crying here... Whew O.K. I have to admit it is one long a-- article for sure. To be honest, I didn't even read the whole thing. Just scanned it, got the general point, and thought it would be interesting to share.
I've deleted the references which has cut down on the size a bit.
Posted: Fri 18 May 2007 17:34 Post subject: Re: REINVIGORATING JEZEBEL: Black Women on BET
This is a bit of a stray, but I've always wondered why the name Jezebel is used to describe a sexually loose often sleavy manipulative woman?
I'm thinking the term comes from Jezebel in the bible, a non Hebrew woman married to the king of Israel Ahab who was of royalty and not a whore but knew the law of the Hebrews and knew how to work it to her advantage. She was feared & wicked.
The final predominate image of Black women is Jezebel or Peaches. Jezebel is the image of the youthful, twenty-something Black woman. She is usually portrayed as a light skinned Black woman with European features such as long, straight hair, thin lips, thin nose, and a relatively slim body (Jewell, 1993). She is the Black embodiment of the standard of beauty set by White womanhood, only her image is hypersexual and less innocent than images of White women. Like Mammy, the Jezebel image of Black womanhood developed during slavery. While Mammy was asexual, Jezebel was hypersexual and this image served to justify the sexual relationships that masters had with Black female slaves. Because of Jezebel’s incessant need for sex, she was portrayed as the seducer and the master as the unwilling victim of sexual contact (Jewell, 1993). With White men, therefore, Jezebel is viewed as the aggressor. This image, however, changes when she is shown with Black men. With Black men, Jezebel is a supporting and subordinate character who is sexually available to and dominated by Black men (Jewell, 1993).
Last edited by gemini072 on Fri 20 Jul 2007 18:28; edited 2 times in total
Posted: Fri 20 Jul 2007 16:27 Post subject: REINVIGORATING JEZEBEL: Mulatto women on BET
I think the title of this thread should be changed to 'REINVIGORATING JEZEBEL: Mulatto women on BET" seeing as much of the women shaking their asses on tv actually look pretty mixed too. Kanye west even stated s-that mulatto's make up a large percentage of video hoes.
Kanye West Calls Mixed Girls "Mutts"
December 1st, 2006 | Author: A-Plus
Lately, Kanye West has been known more for his mouth than his beats. Once again, Ye finds himself back in the spot light for another off color (no pun intended) comment.
In the December 2006 issue of Essence magazine, West sounds off on video girls and “race mixing”.
“If it wasn’t for race mixing there’d be no video girls. Me and most of our friends like mutts a lot. Yeah, in the hood they call ‘em mutts”.
Posted: Fri 20 Jul 2007 18:31 Post subject: Re: REINVIGORATING JEZEBEL: Mulatto women on BET
Anna wrote:
I think the title of this thread should be changed to 'REINVIGORATING JEZEBEL: Mulatto women on BET" seeing as much of the women shaking their asses on tv actually look pretty mixed too. Kanye west even stated s-that mulatto's make up a large percentage of video hoes.
Kanye West Calls Mixed Girls "Mutts"
December 1st, 2006 | Author: A-Plus
Lately, Kanye West has been known more for his mouth than his beats. Once again, Ye finds himself back in the spot light for another off color (no pun intended) comment.
In the December 2006 issue of Essence magazine, West sounds off on video girls and “race mixing”.
“If it wasn’t for race mixing there’d be no video girls. Me and most of our friends like mutts a lot. Yeah, in the hood they call ‘em mutts”.
Kanye didn't even grow up in the hood, he's such a fake, he grew up in middle class black america
According to Wikipedia, Kany West went to a high school in a small town called Oak Lawn, Illinois which is 93.35% White. So he definitely did not group in a Black urban innercity environment during his teen years.
According to Wikipedia, Kany West went to a high school in a small town called Oak Lawn, Illinois which is 93.35% White. So he definitely did not group in a Black urban innercity environment during his teen years.
right, you can even tell by the sounds in the music he produces that he comes from a 'different' environment
'
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